Susie Green & Mermaids UK - "Trans Kid Support Charity", Susie had her underage kid get GRS

I'm really preoccupied about that too. This family should have been immediately investigated by social services.
And twenty years ago they would have been. Such a scenario would have triggered reporting. Just imagine the scale of the abuse that goes on around all this, that cannot now be investigated, but is instead encouraged by the state.
 
The parent found the clinician notes biased, misrepresentative of their experience, unevidenced and judgemental. She saw misogyny in the way clinician notes critiqued the parenting of a mother and grandmother, while a father was barely mentioned despite his active co-parenting role.
I bet the father was present in name only and was a pasty pushover. Good for the therapists for picking that up.

In summary, hoe mad because she couldn't turn her son into a mini-me.
 
I don't understand why a non affirming clinicould approach patients in this way. As far as I see it, the actual problem these kids have is body dysmorphia. And the clinic should try to find the best outcome for handling that dysmorphia and give them the best quality of life, whether that be therapy, hormone blockers, whatever. This article gives the impression that the doctors at this clinic were interrogating these patients to see if they were "really trans", and like, what does that even mean? If someone transitioned and then detransition, were they really trans? I don't understand why that comes into the equation at all, why is a non affirming clinic trying to figure out if patients are "really trans"?
"Non-affirming" is just the term this paper uses, and is likely not how these service providers would self-describe. Some of the patients claimed they felt the service providers didn't think that being trans was real, but it's probably not the case. It's essentially the approach that was used everywhere in the UK prior to 2010. The approach is that the child is reporting discomfort/stress around their gender and/or a desire to become the opposite sex, so the medical team assess whether or not the child is "really trans" and if the doctors think they are, they'll authorise treatment. Otherwise they'll decline treatment on the grounds that e.g. the child is just uncomfortable with puberty, is struggling with their sexuality, is autistic or is acting out as the result of grooming/sexual abuse (and therefore is not "really trans").

The "affirming" model is that the child-patient is the expert on their gender identity, and therefore it is the role of clinicians to assess how best to support this child with their transition, and that questioning if the child is correct in asserting their desire to transition would be entirely unacceptable. However they'd (in theory) assess if the child was mature enough to understand the impact of transitioning, and clinicians would follow established pathways (puberty blockers, then hormones, then surgical interventions). In the context of the NHS this also routinely involved set limits on HRT and controls over what surgical interventions were allowed - e.g. facial feminisation/masculinisation has never been offered on the NHS because it was judged that the risks of these interventions were not offset by any notable improvement in the patient. Same thing with not prescribing progesterone as part of a HRT regimen or only offering comparatively low doses of estrogen ("hondosing").

It's worth observing that this "affirming" model was/is routinely labelled as non-affirming by many frontline activists, who argue that doctors have no place in deciding what treatments would or wouldn't benefit a patient, and instead they should let the patients dictate what hormones and surgery they want and then just do them no questions asked, with no assessments on if the patient is really sure that this is what they want. The treatment should not be viewed as alleviating distress, as this encourages doctors to restrict access to treatments if they judge the patient to be insufficiently distressed or if they think will make the patients worse (see: "My New Vagina Won't Make Me Happy And It Shouldn't Have To"). The comparison drawn is that we let women take the morning after pill, even if some of the women may later wish they'd kept that potential pregnancy, because it is a matter of medical science enabling body autonomy rather than doctors making decisions about what treatment someone can or can't access.. It's a viewpoint that formented in America but is also pushed here; I've yet to see a single argument for how that would fit within the framework of the NHS having to do cost-benefit analysis to manage limited funds, but in terms of desisters/detransitioners the argument is "yeah they might regret it, but there'd be so many more happy trans people than now".
 
It's worth observing that this "affirming" model was/is routinely labelled as non-affirming by many frontline activists, who argue that doctors have no place in deciding what treatments would or wouldn't benefit a patient, and instead they should let the patients dictate what hormones and surgery they want and then just do them no questions asked, with no assessments on if the patient is really sure that this is what they want. The treatment should not be viewed as alleviating distress, as this encourages doctors to restrict access to treatments if they judge the patient to be insufficiently distressed or if they think will make the patients worse (see: "My New Vagina Won't Make Me Happy And It Shouldn't Have To"). The comparison drawn is that we let women take the morning after pill, even if some of the women may later wish they'd kept that potential pregnancy, because it is a matter of medical science enabling body autonomy rather than doctors making decisions about what treatment someone can or can't access.
(I know you're not arguing this but...)

We don't consider the morning after pill a "treatment", per se, either. The only reason a doctor is consulted at all is just for matters of safety.

Like we don't let cancer patients demand chemo without a doctor's opinion about whether or not it'd be effective.

If expertise isn't necessary to evaluate whether the procedure is the right treatment, then we're not in the realm of treatments anymore at all.

That's body mods and recreational drugs.

And frankly, I'd be way more open to that approach to it. Like you have to pay for your own tattoos and your own fent. And that approach doesn't throw the medical system into disrepute by raising arguments that we're entertaining junkies who don't really need what they're getting. We start off from the very beginning that it's a personal indulgence, essentially for fun. Or some dipshit's sense of fun, anyway.

Indeed, we do already have enough problems with conversations about "drug seeking behavior" and doctors just signing off on inappropriate prescriptions, shit like adderall. Frankly, those doctors and their adderall junky patients could profit immensely by calling those critics "methhead-phobic".

Or maybe they missed the window. I think the cultural moment is passing, slowly.
 
We don't consider the morning after pill a "treatment", per se, either. The only reason a doctor is consulted at all is just for matters of safety. Like we don't let cancer patients demand chemo without a doctor's opinion about whether or not it'd be effective. If expertise isn't necessary to evaluate whether the procedure is the right treatment, then we're not in the realm of treatments anymore at all.
That's body mods and recreational drugs.
And frankly, I'd be way more open to that approach to it. Like you have to pay for your own tattoos and your own fent. And that approach doesn't throw the medical system into disrepute by raising arguments that we're entertaining junkies who don't really need what they're getting. We start off from the very beginning that it's a personal indulgence, essentially for fun. Or some dipshit's sense of fun, anyway.
The reason I linked it to the morning after pill rather than what they're actually saying is because a lot of the relevant activism is American, or repeated by people who don't know what our abortion laws are, but essentially the core argument is that transgender healthcare and especially transgender healthcare in children is specifically comparable to abortion. I think the first time this argument was fully advanced was 2022 with Adolescent Medical Transition is Ethical: An Analogy with Reproductive Health, which basically tries to argue that we don't require a teenage girl to prove she would be distressed by getting pregnant, or that she is distressed by being pregnant, in order to allow her access to hormonal birth control or offer her an abortion (which ties in with the Gillick competence that was getting used as a clinical/legal argument for this healthcare) - we merely accept the girl does not want to get pregnant or be pregnant, and she has a right to control the physiological condition of her own body.

That's the argument that was advanced under Roe vs Wade, that a girl or woman had a right to privacy and therefore she had a constitutional right to choose to terminate her pregnancy. That's not the clinical/legal argument around abortion here, which evolved out of the Bourne judgement - a 14 year old girl was gang raped by Royal guardsmen and got pregnant, and so her mother took her to a consultant - who argued that the 14 year old girl probably lead the men on, and they were officers so the girl could be carrying "a future Prime Minister of England". This obviously caused even further distress to the poor girl, so a top surgeon performed an abortion on her and immediately told the police so he could be used as a test case. The argument was that psychological distress was as serious as physical health, and therefore the act was protected under the rationale of "preserving the life of the mother", So our legal system very specifically requires two doctors to assess and agree the risk of harm to the mother's mental health if the pregnancy isn't terminated. In practice it's more of a rubber stamp, but that's the legalistic argument. It's not required for the morning after pill because our legal system considers the start of a pregnancy to be implantation (and therefore it prevents pregnancy rather than terminates it).

Anyway, that's the wedge argument they try to use, and why it very clearly fails in the UK because they don't understand the difference in what they're arguing. Medical treatments in general are not considered pure body autonomy matters as part of NHS treatment, but instead treatments that a doctor authorises if they think it's clinically relevant, which is what they wrankle about ("why do I need to convince a doctor"). The Right to Maim: Debility, Capacity, Disability by Jasbir K Puar (2017) examines arguments that activists should switch between saying "it's a medical necessity for a debilitating condition" and "it's bodily autonomy, people should just be able to do whatever" based on audience, in order to get what they want:
What is evident from these discussions is that vociferous debates about the utility of the medical model in trans jurisprudence persist. Strassburger, who argues for an “expanded vision of disability” based on the social model that could be applied for trans rights, notes nonetheless that the medical model of trans has often been more successful than sex and gender discrimination and sexual orientation protection. He contends that in its emphasis on demedicalization, the transgender rights movement, despite reluctantly admitting the success of medical strategy, ignores the pragmatic aspects of litigation. Strassburger also notes that “demedicalization would mirror the gay rights movement's very successful efforts to frame gayness as good rather than a disease.” For others, the debate between medicalization and demedicalization forestalls a broader conversation about access to proper medical care, one that has been foregrounded by feminist struggles over reproductive rights, for example.

Proponents of the use of disability law further argue that difficult access to medical care is not a complete given for all disenfranchised populations. For example, Alvin Lee argues that the “unique aspects of incarceration and prison health care justify and indeed compel the use of the medical model when advocating for trans prisoners’ right to sex reassignment surgery. Lee notes that the usual bias against lower-income populations in the use of the medical model does not apply to the “right-to-care” prison context, where medical evidence is the best way to demonstrate serious and necessary rather than elective health care, given the “general principle that individual liberties should be restricted in prison.” Other legal practitioners such as Jeannie J. Chung and Dean Spade are curious about the success of social models of disability in transgender litigation. Spade, for example, has carefully elaborated his ambivalence about the use of disability law and the medical model in relation to his firm social justice commitment to the demedicalization of trans, arguing for a “multi-strategy approach".
 
Try not to laugh at the below article written by Helen Webberley and posted on her website

I Have Referred Dr Hilary Cass to the GMC​

Why I believe the Cass Review falls short of the professional standards expected of every registered doctor.​

Feb 16, 2026

Yesterday, Dr Hilary Cass appeared on BBC’s Sunday with Laura Kuenssberg. During the interview, she told the nation that most gender-questioning children “grew out of it and became gay men.” She said that children have been “misled” by social media. She described clinicians who provide gender-affirming care as “charlatans.” She called established surgical procedures “quite brutal.” She claimed that social transition can “lock” a child onto a trajectory that “may not have been the correct natural trajectory for them.”

She said all of this on national television, positioned as an authoritative medical expert, without once acknowledging that she is not a gender specialist, has no clinical experience in this field, and has no research history or publications in transgender healthcare.

I have spent months carefully examining the Cass Review1, reading the peer-reviewed critiques, studying the systematic reviews it commissioned, and comparing the review’s conclusions with its own evidence base. Today, I have submitted a formal referral to the General Medical Council raising concerns about the professional conduct of Dr Hilary Cass across all four domains of Good Medical Practice 2024. I do not do this lightly. Referring a fellow doctor to the GMC is one of the most serious steps any medical professional can take. But yesterday’s interview crystallised for me exactly why this referral is necessary, because the pattern of conduct I have documented is not historical. It is ongoing, and it is happening on the biggest platforms in the country.

Webber.jpg
Dr Cass and Good Medical Practice - The GMC

What she said yesterday

I want to go through some of what Dr Cass said on the BBC yesterday, because it illustrates the concerns in my referral more clearly than any academic paper could.

She told Laura Kuenssberg that in the 1970s, most prepubertal boys presenting with gender incongruence “grew out of it and became gay men.” She then used this to argue that socially transitioning children risks “locking” them onto the wrong path. There are two serious problems here. First, the desistance research she is referencing has been extensively critiqued in the peer-reviewed literature for methodological flaws, including the inclusion of children who never met diagnostic criteria for gender dysphoria in the first place. Second, she is conflating gender identity with sexual orientation, which are understood in modern clinical practice to be distinct. A former president of the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health should know this.

She claimed that children have been “misled” by social media and that they were “being given a narrative” that not conforming to gender stereotypes means they are trans. This framing positions the significant increase in young people seeking support for gender incongruence as a social phenomenon rather than a healthcare need. It is speculation, presented as established fact, to millions of viewers.

She referred to clinicians providing gender-affirming care as “charlatans just handing out inappropriate drugs.” These are registered medical professionals following international clinical guidelines endorsed by the Endocrine Society, WPATH, and professional bodies around the world. To dismiss them in this way on national television is a serious departure from the standards of collegiality and accuracy expected of any doctor, let alone one whose review has shaped national policy.

She described gender-affirming surgeries as “quite brutal.” This is inflammatory, stigmatising language about established medical procedures that are carefully considered, fully consented, and life-changing for the people who receive them. It is not the language of a balanced, objective reviewer.

Perhaps most tellingly, she framed the entire debate as one in which children have been “weaponised” by “people at the extremes” on “both sides,” while positioning herself as the calm, reasonable voice in the middle. This is a carefully constructed narrative, and it does not hold up under scrutiny. One “side” of this debate is asking for evidence-based healthcare. The other is seeking to restrict it. Placing these positions as equivalent extremes is itself a departure from the evidence.

Who is Dr Hilary Cass?

Dr Hilary Cass is a British paediatrician, a former president of the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health, a Fellow of both the Royal College of Physicians and the RCPCH, and now a member of the House of Lords.2 She was appointed to lead the Independent Review of Gender Identity Services for Children and Young People, which published its final report in April 2024.

She is not a gender specialist. She has no documented clinical experience in the assessment or treatment of gender incongruence, and no track record of research or publication in this field. Her career has been in paediatric neurodisability, including conditions such as autistic spectrum disorders, cognitive impairment due to epilepsy, and care of children with visual loss and multiple disabilities. This is distinguished and important work, but it is not this field. Despite this, her review has been treated as the definitive word on transgender healthcare for young people, and its recommendations have directly shaped NHS policy, government legislation, and legal proceedings around the world.

What does the referral say?

My referral sets out detailed concerns across all four domains of Good Medical Practice3, the professional standards that every registered doctor is expected to meet. The concerns are supported by published peer-reviewed research, formal risk of bias analyses, and the responses of international professional bodies.

The review’s own commissioned systematic reviews found moderate quality evidence supporting the very treatments the review went on to recommend restricting. The research the review itself paid for did not support the conclusions it reached. A formal ROBIS assessment, published in BMC Medical Research Methodology in 20254, found a high risk of bias in all seven systematic reviews commissioned by the Cass Review.

Specific claims in the review were presented as established fact without supporting citations or evidence. These include claims about social transition and the causes of gender dysphoria that have no basis in the peer-reviewed literature. The very claim Dr Cass repeated on the BBC yesterday, that social transition can “lock” a child onto the wrong trajectory, appears in her review without a single supporting citation.

Fifteen Australian clinicians documented striking internal contradictions between the review’s own evidence and its conclusions. A team from Yale, representing 86 years of combined clinical experience and over 4,800 patients treated, raised serious methodological concerns. The Endocrine Society, WPATH, and professional bodies across the world responded by reaffirming their support for gender-affirming care and noting that the review did not include the expertise of those with direct clinical experience.

Why does this matter?

The Cass Review has had an enormous and very real impact on people’s lives. Its recommendations have been used to restrict access to healthcare for transgender children and young people in the UK. Its findings have been cited in US Supreme Court proceedings and in state-level legislation across America. Politicians, media commentators, and campaigning groups have adopted it as authoritative evidence to support the restriction of transgender rights and healthcare.

Yesterday’s BBC interview is a perfect illustration of why this matters. Dr Cass was not asked a single challenging question. She was not asked about the peer-reviewed critiques. She was not asked about the ROBIS assessment. She was not asked why her review’s conclusions contradicted its own commissioned research. She was given a national platform to repeat contested claims as fact, dismiss experienced clinicians as charlatans, and present herself as the measured centre of a debate in which she has, in reality, taken a very specific and consequential position.

When a single review has this much power over the lives of real people, the professional standards that underpinned its creation matter enormously. If there are legitimate questions about whether those standards were met, they deserve to be examined. That is what the GMC is for.

Is this not just a difference of opinion?

Some people will say this is a controversial area and that reasonable people can disagree. I understand that. But this referral is not about a difference of clinical opinion. It is about whether the professional standards of honesty, accuracy, competence, and integrity that apply to every registered doctor were met in the production, communication, and public presentation of this review.

The whole point of professional standards is that they apply consistently, regardless of the political or social context. If a doctor leading a major clinical review gets more latitude to depart from standards of honesty and accuracy because the subject matter is controversial, then professional regulation becomes meaningless in exactly the situations where it is most needed.

Transgender patients are patients. Their wellbeing and their access to safe, evidence-based care deserve exactly the same regulatory protection as that afforded to any other patient group. To look away because the subject matter is politically difficult would send a deeply troubling message.

A question of responsibility

Dr Cass is not a junior doctor who made an error of judgement. She is a former president of the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health, one of the most senior paediatricians in the country, and now a member of the House of Lords. When she sits on the BBC and tells the nation that children have been “misled” and that gender-affirming clinicians are “charlatans,” those words carry enormous weight precisely because of who she is.

That seniority does not make these concerns less serious. It makes them more serious. A doctor of her standing would be acutely aware of the obligation to work within the limits of her competence, to ensure the accuracy of professional communications, and to take care that her public statements do not mislead. The expectations of Good Medical Practice do not diminish with seniority. They increase.

What happens next?

The GMC will review my referral and decide whether to investigate. That process takes time, and I respect that. What matters is that the concerns are now formally on record, supported by evidence, and in the hands of the body responsible for upholding professional standards in medicine.

I will keep you updated as this progresses.

Here's hoping the GMC's response makes reference to Arkell V. Pressdram (1971).

The attached pdfs are Webberley's original submissions
 

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